Archive for January 2014

 
 

Reply to Matt Yglesias

Matt Yglesias has a new post challenging my views on monetary offset:

Scott Sumner became famous in the world of popular economics writing with the bold contention that even at the “zero bound” the Federal Reserve both could and should bring the economy back to full employment even in the face of contractionary fiscal policy. But he’s always paired this with a stronger claim, namely that the Fed does in fact bring about exactly the level of Aggregate Demand that it wants to have regardless of the tightening or loosening of fiscal policy.

And he’s become pretty testy about people like Larry Summers who think that looser fiscal policy would be a helpful means of restoring full employment more swiftly.

A curious issue that in my opinion he and other proponents of the full monetary offset thesis haven’t fully grappled with is that Federal Reserve officials keep saying it’s not true.

Those three paragraphs are a bit misleading, but that’s partly my fault.  It’s a complex and subtle topic, and I’m sure I’ve occasionally taken shortcuts in some of the things I’ve said, which left those impressions.  I’ve probably said the Fed is satisfied with this crappy economy—out of sheer frustration.  First a few clarifications, and then what I actually do believe:

1. In 2009 NGDP growth was clearly far below what the Fed wanted, in 2010-13 it was modestly lower than they would have wished.  So the first paragraph is not really accurate.

2.  The second paragraph is accurate but slightly misleading.  I did get testy, and Summers did argue that fiscal stimulus would help boost employment.  But what I was testy about was his other claim, that he’d favor fiscal stimulus even if monetary policy (by itself) led to on-target AD.  Summers argued that the private sector would waste resources when interest rates were low, and hence the government should be more heavily involved in allocating resources.  Matt Yglesias once characterized those views as “socialist”, and I made the mistake of also using that term in the post he links to.  I apologized in my next post.  What can I say; I pick up terminology from blogs I like. Matt’s encouraging me to talk like Rush Limbaugh.

3.  I have done several posts discussing the fact that Fed officials don’t seem to believe in monetary offset.  So the third paragraph is also inaccurate. But I suppose most of the discussion has been in comment sections that few people read.

Here are a few thoughts that come to mind:

1.  One has to be careful interpreting the statements of Fed officials.  First of all, monetary offset can sound unpatriotic if framed one way, and not doing monetary offset can sound unpatriotic if framed another way.  Thus Fed officials sometimes say that that they take fiscal policy as a given, and do what’s best for the country given the stance of fiscal policy.  That implies offset.  They say that QE3 and forward guidance were done partly in order to offset the effects of fiscal austerity in 2013.  On the other had if you ask Ben Bernanke “If Congress does fiscal stimulus to boost employment, will you sabotage their effort with higher interest rates?” Then I’m sure he will answer no.  But that’s also the answer to that question that he would give when interest rates are positive, and even Matt Yglesias agrees that monetary offset is the right model in that case.  Framing effects.  Now of course none of this proves there is complete monetary offset, and I’ve always acknowledged that fact.  But much of the analysis of fiscal stimulus in the blogosphere, including at the highest level (i.e. Krugman) simple assumes there is no monetary offset.

2.  In the 1970s Fed officials said they could not be expected to offset the inflationary effects of budget deficits.  We now know those protestations were incorrect.  Were they untrue at the time?  Depends on your theory as to what caused the Great Inflation.  But we know that when Reagan dramatically boosted the budget deficits the Fed did offset.  They also offset the LBJ tax increase of 1968, which therefore failed to reduce inflation.  The BOJ offset fiscal stimulus for more than a decade.  They presumably denied doing so.

3.  Matt also discusses a theory that I first heard from Andy Harless, that the Fed views unconventional monetary stimulus as costly, and hence fiscal stimulus might not lead to 100% offset.  This is a very logical theory, and might be true.  But it’s not as self-evident as one might assume.  For instance, the fact that the Fed has fallen short of its goals for AD might well reflect bad forecasting.  I seem to recall Yglesias pointing out that GDP growth has consistently underperformed Fed forecasts. So perhaps they tried to offset and failed.  Another possibility is that the Fed would prefer not to do monetary stimulus, and favors fiscal stimulus for that reason.  But that doesn’t mean they won’t act if necessary, just that they would prefer someone else deal with the complaints from the Ron Paul’s of the world.  There are many occasions when I hoped someone else would do something unpleasant, but when they didn’t I went ahead and did what I thought needed to be done.  Like taking out the trash.

I’ve also argued that the Fed tends to overestimate the impact of conventional policy tools (such as interest rate changes), and underestimate the impact of unconventional tools such as forward guidance.  Suppose the Congress had done no stimulus in 2009.  Would Bernanke have said to himself; “Oops, looks like I’m going to go down in history as the worst Fed chairman since 1930, as another depression is on the way.”  Or might he have decided to do some of the things that he had earlier recommended the Japanese do, such as level targeting?  I happen to think level targeting is much more powerful that the Fed itself probably believes.  If they had done level targeting in 2009 to make up for a lack of fiscal stimulus, in my view the recovery would have been even faster.  So more than 100% monetary offset is perfectly possible.  As long as we are in the realm of irrational behavior, anything is possible.  I’ll wager that if you asked the average Fed official whether the recent decision to taper would turn out to be expansionary, approximately 100% of them would have said no.  But it was! That’s because they “offset” the taper with more extended forward guidance, and the forward guidance turned out to boost AD more than the taper reduced it.  Stocks rose on the news.

4.  At this point we are left with a few basic facts:

a.  Monetary offset is the standard assumption at positive interest rates.

b.  Monetary offset should be the baseline assumption when rates are zero.  Alternative assumptions require explanations.  They might be true, but they require Fed stupidity.

c.  It’s an empirical question as to how actual, real world central banks will behave, when faced with shifts in fiscal policy.

As I look at the empirical evidence several points seem clear.  First, the Fed would have done more monetary stimulus back in 2008 and 2009 if they knew then what they know now.  They are perfectly willing to boost the balance sheet by many trillions.  They did not do so in 2009 because they thought their earlier actions were enough.  They were wrong.  But if the Congress had done less the Fed would have done much more QE and much more forward guidance in 2009.  Second, several Keynesians including Paul Krugman said that 2013 would be a test of monetary offset.  When the results came in exactly as the market monetarist predicted, they changed their minds. There was no test. Yes, it was far from a decisive empirical test, but where are the empirical tests in the other direction?  Are we to spend hundreds of billions of dollars on fiscal experiments that (by assumption) doesn’t pass conventional cost-benefit tests because there are theories out there that fiscal policy can work if the Fed officials are incompetent, and although we don’t have any empirical evidence to back that up other than public statements which may be little more than CYA, we’ll go ahead anyway?  Remember that Congressmen are the lunatics and Fed officials are the “grownups” in the policymaking realm.  My opponents want to base stabilization policy on a regime that ASSUMES the lunatics know better than the grownups how to stabilize the economy.  How likely is that to work in the long run?

I’ve argued that estimates of the fiscal multiplier are nothing more than estimates of central bank incompetence.  A point in Matt’s favor is that central banks are in fact somewhat incompetent.  But to make fiscal stimulus work they have to be incompetent in a very specific and peculiar way.  In the end we will never have an answer to the interesting policy counterfactuals.  By the time we get there, central bank behavior will have changed, and the reaction function will be different.  The Fed of 2014 is not the same as the Fed of 2008.  The search for “the multiplier” is futile; it’s a chimera. Monetary offset in the purest form is also probably false, in the sense that all social science theories are false.  But it seems to me to be the most useful place to begin the analysis.

And finally, my crusade for monetary offset is both positive and normative.  Obviously fiscal stimulus is a moot point in the US anyway; Congress isn’t going to do any.  But if I can convince other people that monetary offset is the most natural thing in the world, and also that not only is monetary stimulus not risky, but that not doing monetary stimulus can be highly risky, then monetary offset will be much more likely to be true in the future.  Even if my theory is false, it should be true, and we need to make it true.  We don’t do that with defeatist talk about monetary impotence that you hear from the world’s most famous blogger, rather we get there with a coalition of market monetarists and progressives like Yglesias who keep insisting the Fed can and should do more.

I suppose one can argue that it’s a mistake to mix up positive and normative analysis.  But then I’m not the only one who makes this mistake.  Here’s Matt Yglesias sounding very monetary offsetish:

Conventional wisdom in DC is that not only would the full expiration of the Bush tax cuts make people grumpy as they find themselves needing to pay more taxes, it would also provide the macroeconomy a job-killing dose of fiscal drag. .  .  .  I don’t buy it.

The problem is that this chart ignores what I think we’re now going to call the Sumner Critique. In other words, it assumes that the Federal Reserve is somehow going to fail to react to any of this. You can probably construct a scenario in which the Fed is indeed caught unawares, or is paralyzed by conflicting signals, or is confused by errors in the data, or any number of other things. But Ben Bernanke knows all about the scheduled expiration of these tax cuts.  .  .  . Maybe he and his colleagues won’t do anything to offset this drag on demand, but if they don’t as best I can tell that’s on them. This is the very essence of a predictable demand shock, and the policymakers ultimately responsible for stabilizing demand are the ones who work at the Fed.

The Fed struggles to find the right guidepost

Tim Duy has a very good post discussing the Fed’s current policy dilemma:

The drop in the unemployment rate, however, is something more of a challenge.  The Evans rule simply isn’t looking quite so clever anymore:

EMPd011214

Monetary officials generally believed not only that 6.5% unemployment was far in the future, but also that policy would become much more obvious as we approached that target because inflation pressures would be evident.  Neither has been true.  Not only has unemployment fallen more quickly than anticipated, but inflation remains stubborningly low.

It was a mistake to put the unemployment rate into the Evans rule, it’s simply too unreliable.  We don’t know exactly where the natural rate is, nor do we know the size of the output gap.  And inflation also his its problems, as it can reflect either supply or demand-side factors, and the Fed should only be concerned with demand-side inflation.  So which aggregate is not susceptible to being distorted by either supply shocks or changes in the natural rate of unemployment?  If you have any good ideas please leave them in the comment section.  Or better yet send them on to the Fed.  Basically we

Need a

Good

Demand

Proxy

 

China: The problem is easy credit, not easy money

Tyler Cowen linked to this interesting NYT story:

HONG KONG “” Move over, Janet Yellen and Ben Bernanke. Step aside, Mario Draghi and Haruhiko Kuroda. When it comes to monetary stimulas, Zhou Xiaochuan, the longtime governor of the People’s Bank of China, has no rivals.

The latest data released by China on Wednesday shows that the country’s rapid growth in money supply has continued. Mr. Zhou and his colleagues at the Chinese central bank have only begun the difficult and dangerous task of reining it in.

The amount of money sloshing around China’s economy, according to a broad measure that is closely watched here, has now tripled since the end of 2006. China’s tidal wave of money has powered the economy to new heights but it has also helped drive asset prices through the roof. Housing prices have soared, feeding fears of a bubble while leaving many ordinary Chinese feeling poor and left out.

.   .   .

This means the money supply is still charging well ahead of inflation-adjusted economic growth, which has been about 7.6 percent; the exact figure for the fourth quarter of last year is scheduled for release on Monday.

Growth in M2 almost reached 30 percent at the end of 2009, when China was using monetary policy to offset the effects of the global financial crisis. China has reduced the pace of money supply growth since then, but kept it well above the pace of economic growth throughout, which means it has done little to sop up the extra cash issued during the crisis.

The question now is whether the central bank can further slow the growth of credit and the money supply without causing a slump in housing prices or a sharp slowdown in the credit-dependent corporate sector. Even the very modest slowdown in money supply growth so far has already contributed to two sharp but short-lived increases in interbank interest rates in June and December, which roiled markets in China and around the world.

China’s central bank “is in a very difficult situation; it needs to tighten but the whole system is not used to tightening, they are used to money printing,” said Shen Jianguang, a China monetary economist in the Hong Kong office of Mizuho Securities, a Japanese investment bank.

M2 encompasses money in circulation, checking accounts, savings accounts and certificates of deposit. It is the main money supply indicator watched by the People’s Bank of China in trying to balance the need for economic growth with the dangers of inflation.

M2 has grown so fast in China not just because the central bank has been issuing a lot of renminbi but also because the state-owned banking system has lent and relent those renminbi with encouragement from the government, creating a multiplier effect.

China has also undergone a financial liberalization in the past five years that has accelerated the pace of lending. An extensive and loosely regulated shadow banking system has emerged, partly because of the willingness of regulators to allow banks to classify loans to new financing companies not as corporate loans but as interbank loans, for which little capital needs to be reserved.

.   .   .

Consumer inflation has not yet become a big problem in China: Falling commodity prices and widespread manufacturing overcapacity held down consumer inflation to 2.6 percent last year.

This is what happens when a journalist confuses money and credit.  Monetary policy is not especially easy by Chinese standards.  Yes, NGDP growth is running around 10%, but that number is down from previous decades.  Even if the number is too high (and it probably is) it’s changes in the rate of NGDP growth that really matter.  A NGDP growth rate that is gradually slowing year by year does not causes rapid RGDP growth in China.  It’s productivity growth that explains the China boom.

Now when we turn to the broad M2 “money supply” we are actually looking at credit, not money. This is a completely different issue.  I’d expect credit to grow faster than money in a developing country like China, but even so, I think it quite likely that credit growth (and hence M2 growth) is too rapid. The moral hazard problem in China is an order of magnitude worse than in the US.  This means there is a lot of misallocation of resources by the big banks.  Too much housing and infrastructure construction in secondary cities, for instance.

But the solution is not “tight money,” which would simply cause another sort of misallocation of resources.  Instead of too much construction you’d get too much leisure time, aka unemployment. The solution is a tighter credit policy, not tight money, which is of course politically difficult to do under the Chinese economic regime.  This is why they need to reform the banking system by making it less bad.  Adopting the horrible US banking system would be a huge improvement for China.  The Canadian system would be far better.

For the moment they’ll stick with their current system and continue to misallocate resources.  At some point there may be a tipping point and they’ll get a little bit of stagflation if they are lucky, or mass unemployment if the follow the BOJ/Fed/ECB playbook.  Let’s hope they keep NGDP growth stable and opt for stagflation.  Or better yet market reforms.

PS.  I have a post offering half-hearted praise to Keynesians, over at Econlog.

The dust is beginning to settle

Last August I did a post that expressed puzzlement about the fact that Indonesian stocks seemed to be negatively affected by rising US interest rates, even as American stocks rose to one record after another:

Tyler Cowen has a new post discussing the financial strains in developing Asia. At the end he suggests that some of their problems are due to expectations that the Fed will taper QE. I doubt that plays much of a role, but would acknowledge that the alternative explanations are not very appealing either. When the picture is this muddled, it almost always suggests that more than one factor is involved.

So what’s wrong with the tapering explanation of Indonesia’s problems? Tyler even suggests that it fits the market monetarist methodology””market indicators suggest tapering is the problem.

Maybe they do, but it’s also the case that market indicators fit another explanation just as well””Indonesia is being hurt by expectations of stronger growth in the US, in much the same way that America’s 1929 boom caused problems for the rest of the world (via higher interest rates.) The question is not why is the Indonesian stock market down 21 percent. The real mystery is why are US stocks higher than when the taper talk began? Perhaps they should also be down 21 percent. Long term real interest rates have risen sharply in recent months. That should cause a stock market crash, unless the higher rates are caused by something that would also raise equity prices. And what might that be? Obviously stronger real growth in America is one possibility (although there are others as well.)

However Evan Soltas showed that although US stocks have done well in recent months, they’ve tended to fall on days where taper talk raised long term yields. OK, but that implies that the mysterious X-factor driving up US stock prices is even stronger than we thought, as it’s also had to overcome the negative effect of taper talk. And I admit that I just don’t see the signs of stronger economic growth. But then what’s going on with US equity markets?

I’d encourage everyone to take a deep breath and let’s wait 12 to 18 months, by which time it may be easier to see what’s going on right now.

.  .  .

Just to be clear, I’m not saying that higher global real interest rates that are caused by changing conditions in US credit markets cannot hurt Indonesia. They can, just as higher global oil prices caused by Chinese factors hurt the US in mid-2008. But if someone said that the higher Chinese oil prices were caused by less Chinese oil supply, and not more Chinese demand for oil, a skeptic would ask why Chinese consumption of oil had increased. And if someone claims that higher global real interest rates are caused by tighter money in the US, and not stronger RGDP growth expectations in the US, a skeptic will ask why US equity prices are much higher than a few months back.

I am skeptical of my own analysis here, as I just don’t see the faster growth that stock investors seem to see. But I’m also skeptical of alternative explanations. We need to let the dust settle to figure out what’s going on here.

Well the dust is beginning to settle.  RGDP rose 4.1% in the 3rd quarter and is expected to rise 3% in Q4.  Here is C.W. at Free Exchange:

THE WORLD Bank’s Global Economic Prospects report, published today, gives a useful summary of how emerging markets have fared in the face of the Fed’s move toward tapering of quantitative easing.

Conventional wisdom has it that emerging markets have fared universally badly since May 2013, when Ben Bernanke hinted that the Fed would soon move to scale back QE, from the $85 billion per month pace of purchases at the time. Some did swoon. Between April and September 2013, India’s currency, the rupee, depreciated by an alarming 17%. But India was an exception: the majority of emerging-market currencies saw appreciations over the period. That could be because markets coalesced around a benign interpretation of tapering: that it signalled an improvement in American economic fortunes””which can only be good for global trade:

This sounds right to me, but of course it’s not an entirely satisfactory explanation, as it implies markets were misjudging the situation back in August.  Unfortunately it’s very difficult to ascertain the stance of monetary policy in real time, so it’s not surprising to me that markets view policy today in a more optimistic fashion than back in August.  At that time the rising rates were partly viewed as a sign of tighter money and slower NGDP growth ahead.  Since then we had the September delay, which only slightly reduced bond yields.  That suggested that much of previous rise had been strong growth, not taper fears.  And then the December taper was offset by more dovish forward guidance.  And both US and foreign markets seem to look better today than back in August.  In others words, 2.8% ten year bond yields today feature a slightly easier monetary policy combined with slightly higher growth expectations than a 2.8% yield back in August, but even in August some of the rise in US bond yields was due to rising US growth forecasts.

This is a good example of something I noticed frequently in Great Depression news coverage.  It was often the case that markets would move sharply, and that the reason for their movements would not become clear for several months.  In this case I was wrong back in August when I said I saw no signs of faster growth in the US.  Growth was already picking up, it’s just that the markets saw that fact before mere mortals like me.

PS.  My previous post was very sloppy.  I was trying to make two points:

1.  On target monetary policy is a necessary and sufficient condition for AD success, and hence fiscal policy is not an “alternative” to monetary policy.

2.  Summers and his supporters favor fiscal stimulus for big government reasons, even if monetary policy could keep NGDP on target.

The post blurred these points and treated every fiscal stimulus supporter as if they were Summers-supporters.  Thus it looked like I was accusing people of hiding their true motives.  I apologize.  Just to be clear, I believe people favor policies for the reasons they claim they favor policies.  That’s my working assumption.  If anything I’m on the naive side of the spectrum.  If Rand Paul says he thinks unemployment comp hurts workers, I assume he believes that.

Fiscal and monetary policy are not alternatives

I am constantly running into commenters who seem to think that fiscal and monetary stimulus are alternative policies.  They are not, unless you envision going to barter.  So let’s try to figure out what people like Larry Summers are actually advocating.

I favor setting monetary policy at a position where AD is expected to grow at a socially desirable rate.  Suppose someone says; “No, that’s a bad idea, we should use fiscal policy.”  And suppose he gets free rein over fiscal policy.  And suppose it works, i.e. that AD grows at a socially desirable rate. What then?  Then I’d say you’ve just adopted my preferred monetary policy—you set monetary policy at a position where AD was expected to grow at the socially desirable rate.

Fiscal policy can’t really do anything in the AD/NGDP area.  So what do people like Larry Summers mean when they talk about a preference for using fiscal policy?  They aren’t advocating the use of fiscal policy to get the right level of NGDP growth; you can do that with monetary policy.  They are not recommending that fiscal policy be used to attack unemployment, they are recommending that fiscal policy be used to attack the private sector.  And that’s because they believe that when interest rates are low the private sector is not efficient, at least compared to the public sector.

And by the way, this is not my mischievous interpretation of the Summers view, both Summers and his follows are quite open in stating that this is the real reason for their advocacy of fiscal policy.

So please don’t waste my time with silly arguments about the advantage of fiscal policy over monetary policy, unless you are advocating barter.  Say you want fiscal policy because you think the economy needs more socialism and less capitalism.  That a perfectly respectable argument, so make it.  Don’t beat around the bush.

PS.  And don’t call it fiscal stimulus either.  Tax cuts are fiscal stimulus, and as you might have noticed almost all the Keynesians favored the tax increases Obama adopted a year ago.  You don’t favor fiscal stimulus; you favor more government spending.  And not transfers, those are tax cuts too.  You favor more government OUTPUT.  You’ve rejected neoliberalism, so say so.