Archive for November 2011

 
 

A sliver of hope from China

Amid all the gloom and doom of sharply tightening monetary policy (falling M*V growth expectations) worldwide, I found this sliver of hope from Reuters:

CHENGDU, China (Reuters) – Chinese Vice-Premier Wang Qishan warned on Monday the global economy is in a grim state and the visiting U.S. commerce secretary said China would spend $1.7 trillion on strategic sectors as Beijing seeks to bolster waning growth.

Wang said an “unbalanced recovery” may be the best option to deal with what he had described on Saturday as a certain chronic global recession, suggesting Beijing would bolster its own economy before it worries about global imbalances at the heart of trade tensions with Washington.

“An unbalanced recovery would be better than a balanced recession,” he said at the annual U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade, or JCCT, in the southwest Chinese city of Chengdu.

.   .   .

“Global economic conditions remain grim, and ensuring economic recovery is the overriding priority,” said Wang, the top official steering China’s financial and trade policy, at the start of the second day of talks with the Americans.

His comments suggested that Beijing should attend to bolstering China’s own growth before it worried about global imbalances. In other words, a strong Chinese economy that brings a continued trade deficit with the United States would be better for the world economy than a slowdown in China itself.

Yes, unbalanced growth is better than a balanced recession.  Partly because a recession creates even more “imbalances.”   If only the Fed and ECB saw things that way.

God help me if I start following Twitter

Tyler Cowen links to some tweets by Justin Wolfers.  Here’s one that caught my eye:

The untold story of this recession: The many false signals given by US GDP data which have given false hope, leading policy mistakes.

How can we avoid serious policy mistakes from serially correlated over-optimism?  That’s right—level targeting.

I’ve stayed away from Twitter as I’m already having a hard time keeping up.  But that got me wondering what I would say if I did do twitter.  Isn’t there a 140 character limit?

All multiplier estimates are nothing more than forecasts of central bank incompetence.

You can’t squeeze blood from a stone; you can’t squeeze consumption from Warren Buffett

If you aren’t targeting the forecast, you are expecting to fail.

The case for targeting M2 and targeting the quantity of quarters is identical.  Both are correlated with NGDP.

Imagine how money causes inflation in a country w/o banks or bonds.  That’s how it drives AD in our economy.

Hellooooo . . . NGDP crashes cause financial crises . . . almost always.

AD declines make structural problems worse.

If you suddenly start paying banks to hold on to ERs, don’t express dismay if they do.

The dual mandate:  It’s not just a good idea, it’s the law.

Sticky wages plus falling nominal income means fewer hours worked.

Interest rate targeting:  A policy that fails only when you need it most.

If you are talking about inflation, you should be talking about something else.

The tightest policy possible (deflation) looks like easy money to most economists.

Macro policies immediately fail or succeed, there is no “wait and see.”

Do or do not.  There is no try.  (Oops, stole that one from Yoda.)

If I ever get sucked into Twitter it will mean: divorce – – -> unemployment – – -> mental institution – – -> endogenous money proponent.

Just shoot me.

Diane Swonk endorses NGDP targeting

David Levey sent me this link to an article where Diane Swonk endorses NGDP targeting:

The Fed also discussed nominal GDP targeting, which I prefer over Evans’s model. It just seems much more intuitive for markets to digest that the Fed is working to recoup losses endured during the recession, rather than raising the actual target on inflation. The Fed is struggling with a liquidity trap; there is a core consensus forming that the Fed must reassure the public and financial markets that it is committed to reflating the economy. The goal is to get consumers and investors to move out of the perceived safety of the Treasury market and make riskier, more productive investments in our future.

She is a talented Fed watcher, as illustrated by her perceptive comments in this TV clip from right before QE2.

PS.  Marcus Nunes also has a post.

The first step

The first step is getting NGDP targeting on the agenda.  Getting the Fed to talk about this option.  Marcelo sent me the minutes of the recent Fed meeting, which shows that market monetarists (with help from high profile endorsements) have achieved as much as could be realistically expected–a serious discussion of NGDP targeting:

The Committee also considered policy strategies that would involve the use of an intermediate target such as nominal gross domestic product (GDP) or the price level. The staff presented model simulations that suggested that nominal GDP targeting could, in principle, be helpful in promoting a stronger economic recovery in a context of longer-run price stability. Other simulations suggested that the single-minded pursuit of a price-level target would not be very effective in fostering maximum sustainable employment; it was noted, however, that price-level targeting where the central bank maintained flexibility to stabilize economic activity over the short term could generate economic outcomes that would be more consistent with the dual mandate. More broadly, a number of participants expressed concern that switching to a new policy framework could heighten uncertainty about future monetary policy, risk unmooring longer-term inflation expectations, or fail to address risks to financial stability. Several participants observed that the efficacy of nominal GDP targeting depended crucially on some strong assumptions, including the premise that the Committee could make a credible commitment to maintaining such a strategy over a long time horizon and that policymakers would continue adhering to that strategy even in the face of a significant increase in inflation. In addition, some participants noted that such an approach would involve substantial operational hurdles, including the difficulty of specifying an appropriate target level. In light of the significant challenges associated with the adoption of such frameworks, participants agreed that it would not be advisable to make such a change under present circumstances.

Now we need to correct the errors in this statement.  I plan to start with a policy I don’t favor, but which would still be an improvement over current policy—price level targeting.   The Fed may have underestimated two advantages of price level targeting:

1.  The Fed can raise the expected inflation target without changing the politically sensitive 2% inflation goal.  This can be done by starting the price level trajectory at the point where the US began paying interest on reserves and thus effectively neutralized conventional monetary stimulus.  The price level has risen at a rate well below 2% since October 2008, and thus a 2% price level growth target would allow quite a bit of catch-up over the next few years.  And recall that the Cleveland Fed currently estimates the expected inflation rate for the next 5 years to be far below 2%.  Thus shifting to a 2% price level growth target backdated to October 2008 would cause three year inflation expectations to rise from less than 1.5% to closer to 2.5%.  If (as Keynesians assume), the SRAS is currently fairly flat, this implies much faster RGDP growth that what is currently expected.

2.  The adoption of price level targeting would greatly increase the effectiveness of supply-side fiscal stimulus.  Recall that as long as the Fed targets inflation or the price level there are huge constraints on demand-side fiscal stimulus.  For demand-side policies to be effective they must boost inflation.  But that won’t happen if the Fed targets inflation or the price level.  Supply-side policies that reduce the cost of production (such as employer-side payroll tax cuts), suddenly become highly effective with price level targeting.  Not only do they shift the AS curve to the right, but they also force the Fed to shift the AD curve to the right.

I was confused by the following:

More broadly, a number of participants expressed concern that switching to a new policy framework could heighten uncertainty about future monetary policy, risk unmooring longer-term inflation expectations, or fail to address risks to financial stability.

What policy framework would they be abandoning?  It certainly would not mean an abandonment of the dual mandate—the Fed could easily argue that NGDP targeting is an effective way of achieving the dual mandate.  So presumably what the Fed means by “framework” is something akin to the Taylor Rule.  But the Fed is not currently following the Taylor Rule; they abandoned that long ago, when they started doing QE, Operation Twist, IOR, MBS purchases, and various other unconventional policies.  (Or even earlier, according to John Taylor.)  So it’s a bit late in the game to worry about abandoning the Taylor Rule.

Perhaps there’s a sort of implied assumption that the Fed would be switching from inflation targeting to NGDP targeting.  BUT THE FED DOESN’T DO INFLATION TARGETING.  Yes, you could argue the Fed does flexible inflation targeting (although I don’t know if they’ve even admitted that much.)  But they certainly don’t do strict inflation targeting.  Let’s assume they do flexible inflation targeting.  What exactly would they have to give up in order to do NGDP targeting?  Flexible inflation targeting doesn’t mean keeping inflation at 2%, it means letting inflation rise above or below 2% depending on whether output is below or above target.  It is supposed to mean that inflation is allowed to be above target when output is below target, although the Fed tends to do the exact opposite, which calls into question whether they really do flexible inflation targeting, or just pay lip service to the idea.  I didn’t see inflation soar far above 2% during 2009, when output fell far below trend.

NGDP targeting is basically flexible inflation targeting, where you let the inflation rate deviate above or below 2% as output growth deviates from 3%.  If there is any fundamental shift in framework, it would not be going from (flexible) inflation to NGDP growth rate targeting, it would be going from flexible inflation targeting to flexible price level targeting, or NGDP level targeting.

2.  As I’ve argued many times, the so-called “costs of inflation” that are (wrongly) associated with long term inflation expectations being unmoored are in fact generated by allowing unmoored long term NGDP growth.

3.  The Fed needs to address financial stability through better regulation.  Not punishing the entire economy just because one sector misbehaves.  But let’s say I’m wrong.  How does NGDP targeting reduce their ability to stabilize the financial sector relative to current practice?  Or relative to strict inflation targeting?  Under strict inflation targeting the bubbles would be even bubblier and the crashes would be even deeper, as monetary policy would be much more procyclical.  Indeed NGDP targeting is exactly what the doctor ordered if you are worried about financial instability.

Alternatively, maybe the concern about financial instability refers to a perceived lack of flexibility with any target, including NGDP.  I actually think the lack of flexibility is a good thing, not allowing disastrous policy mistakes like 2009.  But even if I am wrong, that’s not an argument against NGDP targeting, it’s an argument for NGDP targeting with some flexibility.  Maybe NGDP growth should have been a bit below 5% during a bubble year like 2006, and a bit above 5% in debt crisis year like 2009.  I could live with that.  But that’s not what the Fed is currently doing with its “flexibility.”

Several participants observed that the efficacy of nominal GDP targeting depended crucially on some strong assumptions, including the premise that the Committee could make a credible commitment to maintaining such a strategy over a long time horizon and that policymakers would continue adhering to that strategy even in the face of a significant increase in inflation.

In the preceding sentence replace “efficacy of nominal GDP targeting” with “efficacy of inflation targeting” and “significant increase in inflation” with “significant increase in unemployment.”  We’ve had dozens of countries do inflation targeting for decades, and continue to do so in the face of punishingly high rates of unemployment during recent years.  So why would NGDP targeting be politically difficult?  And here’s something to think about, inflation targeting is far more procyclical than NGDP targeting, which means that, a priori, one would expect it to be far harder to maintain inflation targeting for long periods, as compared to NGDP targeting.  Since many countries have maintained inflation targeting for long periods, I see no basis for assuming that NGDP targeting would not be politically feasible.  It’s a policy that has significant support from both left and right wing economists, something that one cannot say about inflation targeting.

In addition, some participants noted that such an approach would involve substantial operational hurdles, including the difficulty of specifying an appropriate target level.

This is a phony problem.  Exactly the same issue applies to inflation targeting, and yet everyone at the Fed seems to think the target should be in the 1.7% to 2.0% range.  It’s obvious to me that if the Fed goes this way the rate will be about 4.5%.  I bet every single FOMC member would pick a number between 4% and 5%.  So do a vote and pick the median number.  Then repeat every five years for your new 5 year target.  I don’t believe that even a 5 year rethink is necessary, but there’s no reason not to make that concession to those obsessed with “inflation becoming unmoored” just because long term RGDP growth fluctuates a few tenths of a percent above and below 2.5%.

And they end with this:

In light of the significant challenges associated with the adoption of such frameworks, participants agreed that it would not be advisable to make such a change under present circumstances.

That’s all?!?!?  Those are the only faults they could find with NGDP targeting?  Just a few nitpicks that apply equally well to current policy?  I’d say NGDP passed its first test with flying colors.  Now we have to keep hammering these points home.

I used to think it unwise to do such a major policy change without further study.  But after seeing this I see no reason not to go forward and immediately implement NGDP targeting.  Where are the significant risks that do not exist under current policy?  I don’t see the FOMC as having even laid a glove on the proposal.  As the Fed staff indicated, it gives you a faster recovery without leaving long term inflation unmoored.  And all they can do is nitpick?  All they do is make complaints that could equally apply to any flexible inflation target?  Is that showing “Rooseveltian resolve?”  Is that doing “whatever was necessary to get the country moving again?”  Either Bernanke doesn’t think our 9% unemployment is as critical an emergency as Japan’s 5% unemployment, or he no longer believes in showing Rooseveltian resolve.  Or maybe he does favor more action, but doesn’t have the votes.  Let’s hope the Fed wakes up to the fact that (even w/o Europe) all the risks are on the downside, that wage inflation will be low for many years, almost regardless of what the Fed does.  It’s no longer the 1970s–stop trying to fight that battle.

The Fed needs to think long and hard about WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE, and then work out the policy framework that best allows them to meet their objective.  But they won’t get anywhere until they decide where they want to go.  Do they think we need more AD, or not?  As Yoda said:  “Do or do not.  There is no try.”

Ben Bernanke 1999, Adam Posen 2011

Here’s Ben Bernanke in 1999:

Needed: Rooseveltian Resolve

Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected President of the United States in 1932 with the mandate to get the country out of the Depression. In the end, the most effective actions he took were the same that Japan needs to take””-namely, rehabilitation of the banking system and devaluation of the currency to promote monetary easing. But Roosevelt’s specific policy actions were, I think, less important than his willingness to be aggressive and to experiment””-in short, to do whatever was necessary to get the country moving again. Many of his policies did not work as intended, but in the end FDR deserves great credit for having the courage to abandon failed paradigms and to do what needed to be done.

Japan is not in a Great Depression by any means, but its economy has operated below potential for nearly a decade. Nor is it by any means clear that recovery is imminent. Policy options exist that could greatly reduce these losses. Why isn’t more happening? To this outsider, at least, Japanese monetary policy seems paralyzed, with a paralysis that is largely self-induced. Most striking is the apparent unwillingness of the monetary authorities to experiment, to try anything that isn’t absolutely guaranteed to work. Perhaps it’s time for some Rooseveltian resolve in Japan.  (Italics added.)

Here’s Adam Posen in the NYT:

BOTH the American economy and the global economy are facing a familiar foe: policy defeatism. Throughout modern economic history, whether in Western Europe in the 1920s, in the United States in the 1930s, or in Japan in the 1990s, every major financial crisis has been followed by premature abandonment “” if not reversal “” of the stimulus policies that are necessary for sustained recovery. Sadly, the world appears to be repeating this mistake.

The right thing to do right now is for the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank to engage in further monetary stimulus. Having lowered short-term interest rates, they should buy (or in the case of the Fed, resume buying) significant quantities of government securities to help push down long-term interest rates and encourage investment.

If anything, it is past time for the Fed and its European counterpart to act. The economic outlook has turned out to be as grim as forecasts based on historical evidence predicted it would be, given the nature of the recession, the cutbacks in government spending and the simultaneity of economic problems across the Western world. Sustained high inflation is not a threat in this environment.   (Italics added.

So we’ve gone from “do whatever was necessary to get the country moving again” to “policy defeatism.”  How did that happen?

HT: Kai, Marcus Nunes